Program project Marxist Leninist Proletarian Union

Program project
Marxist Leninist Proletarian Union
September 2018
Free price
Contents of the program project :
Why create a program?…………………………………………………………………………p.2
A) The general crisis of capitalism worldwide……………………………………………….p.3
B) France, an imperialist power………………………………………………………………..p.9
C) Social classes in France……………………………………………………………………p.13
D) Our objective : socialism / communism………………………………………………….p.19
E) Our strategy and our tactics………………………………………………………………p.23
F) For a Marxist Leninist party : common efforts are necessary…………………………p. 30
G) For a struggle program……………………………………………………………………..p.34
Marxist Leninist Proletarian Union (UPML) Email : contact-
upml@riseup.net Blog : UPML.org
The UPML is a member of the International Coordination of Revolutionary
Organisations and Parties (ICOR)
Website : ICOR.info Third publishing : November 2018

Why create a program?
That is why it is only a program project, condensed, affirmative and open to suggestions and criticisms.
It is of course not a program for elections with demagogic and blurry expressions making one await effortless happiness, putting workers revolt to sleep without offering any real perspectives.
To criticize politicians or all kind of parties is insufficient; we offer a political perspective based on an analysis of confronting classes and of the general capitalism crisis. We struggle for its downfall and for socialism.
Marxism Leninism as our compass and the lessons learnt form the French and international working and communist movements are essential tools for us.
The working class must free itself from exploitation and oppression of capitalist society.
Let’s be offensive in the war led by the capital! This project must be a basis for unity of the UPML members who all took part in its elaboration. We wish to contribute towards the unification of the proletariat in the struggle for its immediate interests and furthermore the union of communists.
September 2018

A. The general crisis of capitalism worldwide
1.
Today capitalist production is mainly international. The new order of this international production in the nineties, the « globalization » has really strengthened the fusion of industrial commercial and bank capital. A few hundred super international monopolies, the international financial capital, dominate the world economy and States submit themselves to them. More than ever, national politics are influenced by international politics.International monopolies conquer and defend their dominant positions on the world market, their only goal being maximum profit. Therefore they annihilate competition, by exploiting workers to the extreme, by stealing nature’s goods, by destroying life
substances of entire populations, by spreading wars until the survival of humanity is at stake..
2.
By exporting capitals and multiplying exchanges, different sectors and more and
more countries are becoming industrialized. The number of workers in the world is rising.
In fact, international industrial proletariat is linked to high productivity in foreign countries. It
is also submitted to a higher competition level in the capitalist system. It is directly
opposed to the international financial capital.
3.
The productive forces, technology and science are developing at such a level
they could satisfy humanity’s needs and respect Man and Nature ! But most people live in
sever poverty.
Productive forces and technology in the hands of proletarians can be a way of
empowerment and of freedom ; but productive forces within capitalist relations of
production are mostly harmful and dangerous for humanity, and make overexploitation
easier.
4.
The internationalization of capital by monopolies has developed an extremely
wide social production all over the planet, pushing aside in the capitalist system the small
propriety type. The cornering of profits by a minority on one side and the important
socialization of economy on the other side is a fundamental contradiction which pushes
towards ideological, political and economical decomposition. The internal contradictions of
the capitalist mode of production can only provoke crises :
* Economical crises which accelerate industrial, commercial and tertiary concentrations,
which bring on a permanent reorganization of production and the destruction of capital
causing the job cuts, relocations, factories closing, etc.* Financial crises. Linked to limited profit rates on markets, capital heads towards
speculation for better returns. But the popping of the speculation bubbles in 2008 caused
the world’s most important and longest economical crisis. To satisfy the financial capital’s
needs, to restart consumption and avoid a revolutionary crisis, an international managing
of the crisis was put into place. Therefore, States’ indebtedness was developed as never
before ( worldwide 300 % of Gross World Product (GWP) in debts, in France
approximately 100 % of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP)). This is a burden for the
future and the next crisis will be even worse.
* Underlying and more and more often open political and institutional crises. To
maintain the dictatorship of monopolies whilst up-keeping « social cohesion » is becoming
increasingly difficult : the loss of confidence in the different bourgeois institutions, in
traditional government parties, reflects in massive abstention and discredit of these parties
which must hide the interests they defend. The contestation of the government’s legitimacy
brings the people to seek direct democracy, in social movements. Liberal or social
democrat governments attack proletarian rights and move towards the right. They spread
chauvinism and strengthen the fascist aspect of the State apparatus.
* Ideological crises. Cultural and moral values of bourgeois society are crunched by
society where money reigns. However progressive ideas are expressed, they are attacked.
The bourgeois ideology wants to maintain social peace and to upkeep reformism, often
hidden in a petty-bourgeois mode of thinking. This mode criticizes the « excesses » of
capitalism and calls for capitalism with a human face, completed with anticommunism,
which warns of the « inhuman communist dictatorship ». With the crisis deepening,
reactionary forms of the bourgeois ideology reappear and strengthen obscurantist,
fundamentalist and fascist movements and organizations. Their objective is to maintain the
system and they are often supported by parts of the bourgeoisie. But they also cause a
large opposition.
* Ecological crises. The thirst for profit has led to a never-ending exploitation of nature
and destroys the natural environment. The poisoning of air, water, of food and living
beings, the waste of natural resources, the threat of a climate catastrophe, the use of
nuclear energy etc… attack the bases of human life. A worldwide ecological crisis
threatens us! The few measures put into place by « green capitalism » and its
governments are to calm masses but they are really totally insufficient. The environmental
question has become a central question of national and international class struggle.
Socialism as an alternative to capitalism is necessary to save humanity!* So-called humanitarian or pacification missions (UN) or hypocritically missions for the
anti-terrorist struggle, are actually aggressive wars and military conflicts to control raw
materials, to conquer new markets or neocolonialist zones, to win them from other forces.
They are also an opportunity for arms dealers and for investors to « rebuild ». The growing
danger of a world war is threatening the survival of humanity.
* Neocolonialism is exploitation, oppression and the plundering of raw materials of
dominated countries, formally independent. The economical, ecological and political
destruction, the support of brutal and corrupted dictatorships put into place by the financial
international capital and its governments make people migrate and provoke insurrections
and revolts.
All of the crises, conflicts and wars weaken the imperialist system and make it
easier to seek another type of society and to once again have the perspective of
true socialism.
5.
The States, instruments of domination, conceal behind a formal democracy a
true dictatorship imposed by international monopolies.
Facing international production, States are less and less capable of organizing and
regulating capitalist production on a national level. But they are all the more important in
the competitive struggle between imperialists. International monopolies are based in one
country where they have certain commitments.
For the survival of the fittest, the IMF, the World Bank, NATO, the UN, G20 and other
international institutions attempt international regulations. Imperialists need and are
capable of short term alliances but the competition between imperialists is continuous.
6.
In the world imperialist system, old forces are declining and new ones are forming
and becoming competitive.
Alongside the USA, the EU, Russia, Japan, have appeared China, India, Brazil, South
Africa, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and others. In an imperialist world which has become
multipolar, rivalries and wars are multiplying : the danger of a global war is becoming
bigger ! The USA are declining, but they are still an imperialist superpower and the first
war instigator in the world.7.
The European Union (EU) is an imperialist alliance, built by the strongest States
and international European monopolies to which weakest countries and monopolies are
submitted, as we saw with Greece. The EU is also a way to face other imperialist
gatherings in the world such as NAFTA. Currently in the EU there is an inclination towards
integration, but contradictions and oppositions from different States or countries make
crises appear.
8.
France’s international monopolies enjoy the fact that France is one of the leading
forces in the EU. In the EU France is militarily the strongest and the most aggressive. With
others France pulls towards increasing militarization and arming, which drops the
hypocritical mask of the EU being a « peace force ».
9.
To get over the general crisis of capitalism, going back to small production, craft
industry and local self management cannot be the solution. Social appropriation and
collective management must correspond to social production and not the hoarding by a
minority !
In more and more capitalist even imperialist countries the material conditions are
favorable for socialism. In some dependent countries, the struggle for national liberation
is a necessary step towards socialism.
Between imperialist and dependent countries, many interactions exist : economical,
political, ecological, social interactions. The international socialist revolution is being
prepared with the internationalization of class struggle, cooperation and coordination
between revolutionaries of the world. The class struggle in each country must be led as
part of the international class struggle.
B. France, an imperialist power
1. France has been a colonial power since the 17th century : it especially organized
the slave trade between Africa, the West Indies and America.
2. The continuous destruction of small propriety, exploitation of the proletariat with
free market economy and the accumulation of capital from the beginning of the 19th
century will all allow the concentration of capital. The fusion of the industrial and
banking industries around 1900 will make France become an imperialist power
exporting capitals all over the world in a rivalry with England, Germany, Japan and
the USA. Rivalries and the sharing of the world caused the two world wars and
millions of victims.3. Millions of other victims were caused by the repression by French imperialism of
righteous struggles for national liberation, such as Indochina, Algeria, Rwanda.
Today France still has some of their economical and political power and controls
strategic zones especially in Africa: plundering of raw material, exploitation of
workers, guaranteed sea ways, direct political and military interventions… France
still has colonies called Oversea Territories and Departments (DOM-TOM) in the
West Indies, in Guyana, in Oceania and in the Indian Ocean.
4. In France reigns State monopoly capitalism within the international production;
international monopolies of French origin or domiciled in France have completely
submitted the State; the management bodies have melted into the State and they
have erected a dictatorship on all the sectors of society. EDF, Orano / previously
Areva, Renault, Vinci, Dassault, Total and others are part of it.
These international monopolies use their influence with the European Union over other
European countries — such as Airbus, Ariane-Espace, Lactalis, etc — or with world
institutions such as the IMF or the WTO etc beyond Europe. It’s also the case for industrial
groups such as Arcelor-Mittal, Alstom-General Electric, PSA-Open-DongFen, Sanofi… but
also for banks and services such as Orange, Veil, Carrefour, Suez-Engie, SNCF, etc.
private or State companies. They use public money and States guarantee their
investments. International monopolies of other countries act the same way in France.
France and Germany seek to dominate together the European Union.
5. In. France, the financial usurious capital has developed thanks to colonial super-
profits. Therefore the bourgeoisie was more interested in speculative investments
than in industrial investments. A high degree of productivity was reached after
1945 : first of all by the generalization of Taylorism and of assembly-line work, then
with automatization and finally with the use of micro-electronics. Since the sixties,
massive export of capitals to cheaper countries by investors has nearly made
economical sectors disappear in France, such as mines, textile,…Mass
unemployment, precariousness, lack of accommodation, lower incomes, polluted
food, the agricultural crisis, the ecological crisis, the unbalance between towns and
countrysides, anti-migrant policies… all these are consequences of the profit thirst
of the capital.6. Monopolies use violence and treachery to maintain their dictatorship.The
bourgeois politics go rightwards and develop the reductions of democratic rights,
the repression by the capitalist State and its bend towards fascism.
The manipulation of opinion is still the main method to upkeep the so-called
« social
cohesion » in the current regime. So-called representatives of the people perform in the
parliamentary bourgeois system when they are actually duping them ; this system is most
definitely not a way to change society.
These last decades, a whole petty bourgeois mode of thinking system has been built as an
unattainable ideal for the proletariat. Alongside consumerism, individualism, a petty
bourgeois life style, this system integrates a critical attitude towards capitalism. But only to
give it a « modern » face to a system capable to reform : « green capitalism, anti-sexism,
etc ». In its speech it talks of workers’ movement values such as the struggle or solidarity
whilst presenting communism as a « criminal ideology or utopia » to block the way to a
real alternative.
7. 90 % of means of information (television, press, radio,…) are owned by financial
groups such as Bouygues, Dassault, Lagardère, Bolloré. They spread half-truths,
lies by omission, falsifications, not being able to convince of the good deeds of
capitalism in crisis. Voluntary servitude of the media, or amateurishness towards the
duty to investigate ? Anyway companies control the work of the media through the
advertising, but also their dependence on a handful of international press agencies,
lobbies and other « experts ». An ideological and political domination apparatus has
been built around big monopoly groups with the help of the State. In the name of
the « anti-fake news » laws the State allows itself to censure. Judiciary harassment
of reporters and of whistle blowers is part of this.
This is how the media spread a « mass culture » to provoke the acceptation of the petty
bourgeois life style or resignation. The metaphysical mode of thinking, under the
appearance of many fast images and quotes with no link between them, is a way to hide
reality, the potential power of the proletariat and the origin of problems. Its weakness : it’s
not a solution to capitalism.
8. France is a nuclear power. The exploitation of the atom is a State monopoly. It
develops and exports the technology of the many nuclear electric plants, seriously
endangering the population. Currently, humanity is incapable of reprocessing the
waste.The monopolist State has developed the atomic weapon and also exports it ; we know its
use can threaten human existence. It uses nuclear energy to create a by-product
necessary to elaborate weapons. The extraction of uranium destroys countries in Africa
and elsewhere, exploiting and destroying men and their land, keeping them in a State of
dependence.
9. French imperialism spreads war. Since the end of WWII, France has continuously
intervened militarily (Indochina, Algeria, Madagascar, New Caledonia, sub-Saharan
Africa, the Middle-East…) or supported reactionary States or forces (Israel, Congo,
Iraq, Turkey,…). France is the 5th producer and seller of arms, whoever to.
10. The domination of other countries by French imperialism gives illusions of
superiority of French on other populations. This chauvinism (or worse racism and
nationalism) is useful to justify the oppression or populations and the extreme
exploitation of proletarians from different countries. The proletarians of France have
no common interests with the capital and no interest in fighting among themselves.
French imperialism is the main enemy of the multinational proletariat in
France and of the populations of many neocolonialists countries
formally independent or still colonies. Only the common struggle of
these forces will overthrow imperialism.
C) Social classes in France
The bourgeoisie – a national and international class
1. The bourgeoisie lives mainly on the exploitation of other people’s work. Its
interests are not compatible with those of the proletariat. As it is radically opposed
to the abolition of capitalist relationships of production, it is the main enemy of the
proletarian revolution.2. The great bourgeoisie had more and more capital in less and less hands. It is
composed of the industrial and agro-industrial monopolist bourgeoisie, the bank
industry (including insurance), trade and State bureaucracy (senior officers for
example). Its representatives, educated in the same schools, go from Boards of
private or State companies to managing the State. They are major actors of
ideologic and political apparatus of State monopolist capitalism.
3. A differentiation process in happening within the bourgeoisie: financial capital is
increasingly in contradiction with the non-monopolist bourgeoisie or the moyenne
bourgeoisie. The concentration of economic and political power with the
international financial oligarchy has reached an incredibly high level. The financial
oligarchy is composed of the following: families owning a sufficient part of these
groups to have a decisive role, all members of the Boards, of general management,
even members of the management of subsidiaries of these groups, all the political
staff and senior officers linked to these groups which guarantee the control over the
State apparatus by the financial capital.
4. The State apparatus directly submits itself to the monopolist bourgeoisie only
and this has been made easier with the 5th Republic institutions, they reinforce the
executive power’s role and therefore the importance of high administration to the
detriment of the Parliament. Since WWII the State apparatus has been spread out
to social and economic sectors.
5. The concentration of capital has created an international bourgeoisie which acts
in the whole world (« globalization »). This bourgeoisie controls 40% of multinational
societies in the world and their subsidiaries make 94% of world profit. This
interpenetration doesn’t stop an unequal development and competition which
modify endlessly the balance of power and the profit share.
A revolutionary change isn’t possible without expropriating this
minority.
II.
The proletariat – a multinational class1.
This is composed of workers and small employees, active, unemployed or retired,
French or migrants, men and women. They only have their working force to live and
must sell it to those who own the means of production and of exchange. Whilst
resources are extracted from nature by the productive and non productive work of the
proletarians, in return they only receive the strict minimum to reproduce their working
force. Part of the surplus value is reinvested in the cycle of capitalist exploitation; the
other is cornered in the bourgeoisie’s luxury. Workers and employees have no interest
in defending a system which takes everything from them. Unemployed workers are
« reserves ».
2.
The industrial proletariat is concentrated in industrial areas and it handles the control
of social production at the highest level. Potentially, it has the real economy of all the
production and of distribution of goods. It’s a true power the proletariat should be
aware of to be a leading force in the class struggle. As an international force, it is the
deadly enemy of international financial capital.
3.
Precariousness, transformation and impoverishment: the development of
productive forces (men, machines and techniques) transform the relationships
between social classes. Outsourcing and chains of subcontracts and precarious jobs
make exploitation and poverty grow. Therefore there is a growing division in the
working community and a direct competition between workers whatever their status is.
The number of professional workers is diminishing and more and more workers are
interchangeable and can quickly fulfill many different tasks with very different skills.
The automatization allows the massive job cuts and the creation of new ones, more
specialized and more polyvalent. Precarious contracts allow an extra pressure on
hierarchy and make resistance and unionization more difficult.
4.
The migrant proletariat. Immigration has existed in France for a long time. The
hardest jobs and the least well paid often go to migrant workers legal or illegal. The
Undocumented create wealth but often live in a great state of precariousness; they are
criminalized and always threatened of expulsion. Employers and government take
advantage of this to put pressure on all the proletariat: pressure on wages,
accommodation, on living conditions.5.
Working masses are doubly exploited and repressed: not only as paid workers but
also in housework. The work force is reproduced freely for the capitalist exploitation
which also takes advantage of women’s housework. They are « thanked » by being
morally and materially chained to this role by society. Working women are victims of a
whole specific oppression system in the capitalist society: discredited compared to
men and threatened by sexism and violence.
6.
The proletarian youth endures the absence of outlook the most: at teen age, this
youngsters are the ones the less inserted in the school system and turn to paid work
the earliest, towards exploitation. These professional trainings do not always drive the
students to jobs. Even having gone to university, hard to finance, the perspectives of a
regular job are increasingly smaller. This youth goes from one internship to another
with little or no salary, going through unemployment, low income. It’s a victim of many
discriminations, it’s harassed by the police in all areas and a victim of different types of
racism. For all these reasons, it rebels, sometimes blindly, but it’s also on the first front
of social struggles.
7.
The « auto-entrepreneurs ». In 2016, there was more than 1 million auto-
entrepreneurs, many proletarians such as deliverers or Uber drivers. This new status
has made the wage labour lose everything it had earned through struggles, leaving
these « entrepreneurs » alone facing the risks and precariousness. Some employees
have even been fired and then signed up again with an independent contract!
8.
Labor aristocracy. Its situation is double: it’s labour because of its place in the work
process and petty-bourgeois by its salary and its ideology. This little part of the working
class, often in strategic sectors (arming, nuclear, etc) receives high salaries and takes
advantage of extra advantages thanks to neocolonialist super profits. These labour
aristocrats are inclined to defend their company, to collaborate with employers rather
than defend their class interests. They have a chauvinistic , misogynistic, corporate
behavior and spread it. The generalization of sub-contracting in big companies has
strongly diminished their influence. Today the managing petty bourgeoisie tends to
replace labour aristocracy in its role of « social peace » agent via the « union
bureaucracy ».The proletariat in France is multinational in its composition and it’s often integrated
in international groups. It is more and more precarious, disqualified and tends to
become poorer. It’s a growing class, more and more numerous worldwide and it can
overcome its divisions.
III .
1.
The petty bourgeoisie
The capitalist society doesn’t only have two fundamental classes with
antagonistic interests. The petty bourgeois layers have always existed, more fractured,
more broken up, more divided than the first two classes. Their economical importance,
their ideological and political positions play a part in the class struggle which is not
insignificant. These layers base their existence on capitalist relations of production and
they are the mass social base of the bourgeoisie. But the crisis of the system damages
their existence develops the oppression. Therefore, the petty bourgeois are more and
more in contradiction with the monopolies.
2.
The petty bourgeoisie has two essential fractions today:
a) The new petty bourgeoisie has no leading role but it is often in a subordinate position
and often employed. Technicians, teachers, reporters, scientists, computer scientists,
junior or middle managers, from public or private sectors, etc, all these are part of it.
However their economical, ideological and political importance has greatly evolved. It
appears today their living and working conditions are being damaged for most of these
layers. That is what makes them close to the proletariat.
b) All the small owners of their means of production belong to the traditional petty
bourgeoisie: they are the small and medium sized farmers, tradesmen and salesmen.
For most of them they only live off their own work, that is to say without exploiting
employees or only secondarily. Since WWII, the economical and political importance
of this part of the petty bourgeoisie has been reduced.
The deterioration of the living and working conditions of these petty bourgeois
layers has made it possible for some of them to become strategic allies of the
proletariat.
D)
Our objective : socialism- communism1.
Our goal : a communist society, which is a classless society and therefore with no
State. It is the future of humanity, against wars, the destruction of men and the
environment. The Revolution is the proletariat taking power with the help of its allies. The
proletariat organizes itself as a dominant class against the class of the bourgeoisie.
Socialism, is the transition society towards communism. Classes will still exist but a
socialist policy will strive to suppress class antagonisms until the abolition of social
classes.
2.
After taking power, the means of production will be expropriated and the property
collectivized to take away the economical basis of the capitalist class and to go towards
real socialism. The revolutionary masses will bring down the old oppressive State
apparatus and will build in its place a new State based on proletarian organizations arising
from class struggle.
3.
The proletarian dictatorship must be put into place : it is the democracy for the
large masses and their dictatorship on other exploiting classes. This active democracy is
installed throughout many Councils, Committees, Assemblies, Communes, etc. right to the
top of the State from companies and districts. The interests of the proletariat and its allies
in mind, the whole of society must be transformed.
The dictatorship of the proletariat is not mainly to repress but to direct, as led by the
revolutionary Party, to lead the socialist transformation process of the disappearance of
class division, towards communism. The essence of the proletarian dictatorship is the
struggle for the proletariat’s ideological-political hegemony in all areas of society :
economy, politics, culture,… The proletariat’s Party leadership must encourage initiatives
of the masses and their mobilization.
Of course the bourgeoisie will not let itself be quietly dispossessed of its goods and
privileges. In the case of sabotage, conspiracies with the foreign imperialist enemy and an
open civil war, the proletarian dictatorship must react firmly against these class enemies in
order to not be stomped on by imperialism and fascism.4.
A revolution of the whole society. During the socialist revolution, the economy will
be transformed and planned out according to real needs expressed democratically by
society, in harmony with nature. Progressively, the relationships of production inherited
form the bourgeoisie will be transformed. The antagonisms between manual labor and
brain work, between rulers and the ruled, between cities and the countryside, between
Man and Nature, will all be reduced until their complete extinction. The liberation of women
will be a main task. The exchanges between Man and its environment will be repaired and
regulated in harmony. What Man takes from Nature for production and reproduction of life
will be given back for generations to come.
5.
Revolution is in minds. Socialism is an economical and social transformation
carried by an ideological and political revolution. New social relationships can only be born
and develop with a conscious mobilization of masses ! The struggle to transform the
superstructure is supported by a new mode of governing, that of Councils, Committees
etc.The education of masses will link practice to theory. Proletarian art and literature are a
weapon against old traditions and cultures serving the old leading classes. The ideological
struggle leans on the righteous desires of the mass of people and reeducates the
intermediary layers. The objective of this mind revolution is that masses effectively take
control in all the sectors in the perspective of class and State extinction.
6.
Class struggle during socialism
During socialism class struggle continues against old dominant and privileged classes,
against old modes of thinking or between the old and the new. This struggle reflects in the
leading Party, in the new State apparatus as a struggle between political lines. The
capitalist restoration based on the left overs of the old world and on a new bureaucracy
must be stopped. A return to capitalism can be stopped thanks to great mass political and
ideological campaigns, criticisms and self-criticisms, as it worked for the Cultural
Revolution in Mao Zedong’s China.7.
International socialism. The revolution and the counter-revolution will develop
internationally. Cooperation and international solidarity between communists must be
essential, before and after taking power for the revolution in other countries. Times of war
can end for a socialist country on a period of peaceful coexistence with imperialism. This
coexistence must be submitted to the progress of revolutionary struggles all over the
world.
For a political assessment of socialist experiences
1.
Make out the negative from the positive aspects of these experiences. The anti-
communist attacks against the USSR and socialist China want to make us forget the
great economical and social transformations in a context of civil war and imperialist
interventions.
2.
Socialism was a real power to the people throughout the Soviets (Councils) or
Popular Communes. We are very proud to defend positive socialist accomplishments:
no unemployment, cheap accommodation for all, great steps towards the liberation of
women, transformations of relationships between manual labor, brain work, between
the rulers and the ruled, etc.
3.
In this pioneer work, errors in which way to go were made, linked partially to the low
level of development, to lack of experience and of deep « cultural revolutions » to
correct these mistakes. We now know that new bourgeois elements appear on the
basis of old social relationships insufficiently transformed. The weakening of worker’s
democracy: the non recognition of class contradictions and the ill-treatment of them
have reinforced the roles of experts of intermediary and bureaucracy layers.
4.
These few facts made it easier for a new bourgeoisie to appear within the Pantry and
the State and economical apparatus. A State capitalism with all its flaws (exploitation,
oppression, war, etc) appeared in the USSR and in China amongst others. The new
bourgeoisie withdrew more and more until completely from the worker’s and the
people’s control until finally taking power once more.
5.
There are currently no socialist countries: North Korea, Cuba, Venezuela aren’t
and are led by parties which hide their bourgeoisie. Their opposition to some
imperialists, nor the few democratic and social measures they put into place, can make
them socialist countries where the proletariat must lead.All these experiences, whether they are positive or negative, are for us a precious
source for a new rise of the struggle for socialism.
E) Our Strategy and tactics
I.
1.
The revolution- a necessity
Capitalism cannot overcome its contradictions; the revolution is a necessity.
History proves so: when revolutionary struggles develop, dominant forces try to
smother them violently in order to keep power. Oppression and exploitation can only
end with an armed insurrection to destroy capitalism. This insurrection needs the
leading of the revolutionary proletariat for it to become the new dominant class in favor
of the majority of society. The proletariat is led by the communist party to install the
proletarian dictatorship, socialism, the beginning of the changing in social relationships
leading to the disappearance of antagonistic classes and to communism.
2.
The proletariat and its core, the industrial working class, is the main force and the
head in the struggle for socialism. It’s the class which is most victim of the system:
exploitation and oppression at work and in its life style all pile on it. It only has
its « chains to lose » and therefore is the avant-garde class.
3.
Unity and alliance. History of the communist and worker’s movement has shown that
to carry out this great task, the proletariat must be aware, efficiently organized and
united on an independent political basis; these are the conditions for the petty
bourgeoisie to join the revolutionary struggle. Proletarian unity and the union with the
allies are two questions with strategic importance.
II.
1.
For the unity of the proletariat
Today in a non revolutionary period, the main aspect of worker’s conscience is to
improve its situation under capitalism. It’s the immediate basis in the proletarian daily
struggle against capitalism encroachments. But at the same time, the incapacity of
capitalism to satisfy the fundamental needs of masses creates the conscience,
however small, that improving the situation will only be possible by overthrowing
capitalism.2.
To stop workers’ conscience developing, the bourgeois ideology is systematically
spread amongst the class and the masses, especially as a reformist petty bourgeois
mode of thinking. The working class must bring fatalism and individualism, illusions
under capitalism, anticommunism, etc to an end.
3.
The creation of the revolutionary Party is the first objective of communists today. All
mass activity must lead to its construction. We must bring the most conscious
elements to the communist program which shows the perspective of taking power for
socialism. The link to the class struggle is fundamental: we develop economical
struggles into political struggles and we win proletarians to socialism.
4.
The worker’s movement in France. The Marxist Leninists must learn from the great
working class movements in France and in the world. In France, the 1848 Revolution,
the Commune of Paris in 1871, the Popular Front in 1936, the antinazi resistance, the
strikes in 1953, in 1968, in 1995, in 2010 and 2016 are all experiences stored by the
masses during these great struggles. During these times of hard struggles, the
proletarians have creatively used ways, more or less coordinated, organized: legal or
illegal, open or clandestine, agitation and propaganda in different shapes, local and
national action, armed or not, unlimited political strikes with strike committees and
decision-making general assemblies, occupations of factories, auto-organization,
( committees, councils, strong unions); progressive mass culture, etc. Every way which
can make the revolutionary process go forward. Each struggle to come must be an
opportunity to update our practice from the popular movement. We cannot give them
up as all the reformists do for purely electoral reasons. We need to gather to analyze
where the strengths and the weaknesses of these movements come from. That is also
what a real communist party is for, which cannot be built without being tightly linked to
class struggles to take part in a victory.
5.
The main struggling activity of the Proletarian Union is in the proletariat, companies
and districts to take part in building the proletarian United Front nationally and
internationally. In our strategy and our tactics the struggle for ideas is the main task
and must be organized systematically. In our arguments, our working methods, our
type of organization, etc the proletarian point of view must dominate. We work for the
unity of all the working class: precarious and steady workers, French or immigrants or
posted workers, men and women, young and old. This class unity spreads to an
international level. The revolutionary struggle of the proletariat in France against
national and international monopolies is a contribution to the revolutionary struggle of
the proletariat worldwide against capitalism. We struggle to unite the social and
ecological requests in the class struggle.6.
We take part in gathering workers in unions, the most important mass auto-
organizations of proletarians. We aim to build a united class unionism on a basis
defending interests and immediate needs of the proletariat. To strengthen solidarity
and independence of the proletariat, we fight against corporatism, chauvinism and all
other form of class collaboration and anti-democracy methods and practices. The
struggle for reforms is led by Marxist Leninists as a school for class struggles. It is to
develop struggles to a higher level in the perspective of revolutionary socialism. For
this reformism, revisionism, opportunism must be fought, as they pretend to manage
socially capitalism. Actually, we have seen this many times, they sacrifice workers
interests to reconcile classes and for social peace.
7.
Class hatred, the revolt against capitalism generates practices which are
spontaneous, radical, marginal, limited in time: going too far in demonstrations,
occupying work places, illegal confinements of bosses… Some anarchists and
unionists (left wing of the CGT, SUD, CNT,…) develop in these practices, very often
only wanting to satisfy the immediate economist requests.
8.
Fight anarcho-syndicalism. As much as possible we support the struggles without
falling into anarcho-syndicalism. Because the anarchs-syndicalists are opposed to the
construction of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party and often favor local corporatist
organization and short-term struggles.
9.
In the struggle for socialism, a special struggle for the liberation of women is
necessary and it must take into consideration the particular oppression and
exploitation of the mass of women- for their true emancipation and against their
discrimination. The proletarian women must strive to lead all women in the struggle for
socialism. For their liberation the fighting movement of women should link to the
worker’s movement and vice versa.
10. The proletarian youth is especially exploited, oppressed, revolted and open to the
idea of revolution. The work amongst it is necessary because it is the avant-garde of
the practice of the revolution and of the movement against war and fascism in which
youth from other social layers are often too. Building a youth organization goes with
building the party.
11. As a member of ICOR, the UPML cooperates and coordinates its interventions
against imperialism with the international revolutionary and worker’s movement to
prepare the world proletarian revolution.III.
1.
Our tactics for a strategic alliance with intermediary layers
To take power, all the political attempts of the working class have shown that it’ not
the only one to oppose or struggle against state monopoly capitalism. Strategically
the proletariat has direct allies.
2.
The imperialism-capitalism has started to decline. It is continuously making a larger
portion of the non proletarian layers precarious and vulnerable. The accelerated
concentration of capital and the intensified competition on a larger scale disqualify and
make poorer the petty bourgeois categories which feel downgraded.
3.
Fundamentally with its future in mind, the interest of the great mass of the petty
bourgeoisie (all fractions included) is the disappearance of this regime which causes
crises, the collapse of small companies, unemployment, high life expenses,…
Socialism is objectively the best interest of the majority of the petty bourgeoisie. But if
we consider its past and its current situation (the 1000 ties it has to capitalism: land
income to the privileged status of some managers), we must conclude that the petty
bourgeoisie on its own cannot radically and forever break up with the bourgeoisie and
the capitalist society. These layers are unstable, weak, divided and hope for a great
career.
4.
Like the proletariat these social categories hope for freedom, democracy and a
life of dignity thanks to their job. Many front struggles are driven by non proletarian
layers, often on social issues or on the defense of democracy. But they often have a
very different vision of this and therefore yearn for different types of politics. As they
waver between their past and their present, they hesitate between the bourgeoisie
and the proletariat and seek a middle way (even harder to find in a time of crisis). They
can slip towards a super reactionary ideology, especially the layers linked the most to
the proletarian exploitation (small bosses, foremen). These fractions whose situation is
the most damaged can have sudden bursts of anger, even of violence against the
bourgeoisie and its State, followed by long periods of passivity and lethargy.
5.
To prepare the revolutionary alliance, the working class must influence the
intermediary layers. When they are objectively opposed to capitalism, we support their
requests or progressive attitudes, without following their particular requests based on
corporatism , chauvinism and the illusions of a leap backwards. The only positive
future of these social non proletarian categories is in the alliance with the proletariat.6.
Internal contradictions within the bourgeoisie must be taken into consideration by
the proletariat. The crises politically shake the class enemy. We must know how to
recognize and exploit the contradictions between the moyenne bourgeoisie and the
financial capital. During times of strong crises, the hostility between the moyenne
bourgeoisie and the financial oligarchy destabilizes power even more (eg Red woolly
hats and the Ecotax).
7.
We support the national liberation struggles of oppressed or dependent people
against all the imperialisms and reactionary local elements. These struggles weaken
imperialism in general and French imperialism in particular whilst creating good
conditions for the class struggle in France.
To overthrow the capitalist system, the proletariat must overcome its divisions,
provoked by the bourgeoisie ideology, to lead the revolutionary process and to win
over a part of the petty bourgeoisie.
On our blog (UPML.org) you can read : Our
foundation declaration Our bulletin
« Proletarian Stand » Our brochure, our tracts
and other articles
F) For a Marxist Leninist Party : a collective effort is
necessary !
1. In order to beat a very well organized enemy, the capital and its State, to take power
and to build socialism, a political program is needed, a leading centre, an experienced
political part rooted in the masses.2. In the French « Communist » Party (PCF), the social democratic line took over. It
submitted to capitalism pretending it’s possible to manage it « humanly ». It spreads the
illusion of a peaceful passage to socialism and denies the fact that the interests of the
proletariat and the bourgeoisie are completely opposed. Full of contradictions and
different political lines, the PCF is declining. Some of its members abandon the struggle
and different dissident groups leave it to rebuild a communist movement.
3. Stemming from the PCF or created as opposed to it, some organizations with
different orientations, claim to be marxist Leninists. Some have called themselves
« Party » but they aren’t. Some defend the inheritance of the revolutions but they also
defend the positions of the ones who « restored » capitalism.
4. Leave capitalism? If we want to end exploitation and oppression, we must go further
than simply « leave capitalism », as some groups suggest. Some social democratic and
Trotskyist groups denounce the government parties such as the Socialist Party (PS) and
the PCF, but these groups are an electoral machine which recycles the same reformist
ideas within the bourgeois parlementarism: they call for a « 6th Republic » or work for a
« citizen revolution ».
5. This is also true for Trotskyist organizations which make believe they are
revolutionary. They are full of different fractions of radically. But their proximity with
social democracy in the name of « workers’ unity » and their economism makes them
unable to bring the proletarians to the revolution.
6. The libertarians say they want to « leave capitalism » but they put aside the main
task which is to take power and cultivate alternative solutions at the margin of the
system. The struggle for socialism is the only solution. A policy which pretends the
opposite is an obstacle and even a disguised support to the capitalist system.
7. In France there is a great revolutionary potential, but a great collective effort is
needed to build the proletarian Party. The communist movement in France is very
divided and confused- we cannot go on like this! We propose a revolutionary alliance
of organizations and revolutionary comrades, to debate, study and act together. Based
on common principles, a culture of proletarian debate, a will to learn from each other, to
seek unity without ignoring divergences!
Based on equal-to-equal relationships, the
directions of the organizations are to develop relationships. We also want to cooperate
with isolated revolutionary activists. The objective is to unite and to gather as we go
around a program and a construction plan of the Party in al its aspects: ideological,
political, and organizational.8. Overcome the obstacles to unity. A condition for success will be the analysis of the
main obstacles to building of the Party within the capitalist society and in the
revolutionary and workers’ movement: ambient anticommunism, the confusion on the
causes of capitalism being restored in countries previously socialist, the heavy
inheritance of the PCF which has become revisionist, the betrayal of the PS, etc.
However the main obstacles to building the Marxist Leninist Party are within the
revolutionary and workers’ movement itself. According to us, spontaneism on one side
(which follows every thing that moves and forgets the final objective) and dogmatism on
the other (which transforms marxism into an eternal dogma when in reality it is
continuously changing) are the most frequent causes.
9. But the UPML builds its organization independently. The point is to learn the
functioning of the Party in the dialectical unity between practice and theory whilst
concentrating on what is essential: to forge ideological and political unity and develop as
we go along the necessary organizational forces. We want to take part in the elaboration
of the political line in all its important aspects and put it into practice.
10. In building the UPML, the following is important:
a)
The daily ideological-political struggle for the proletarian line against the petty-
bourgeois influence is essential. Because the revolutionary and class organizations are
not separated from society by a Great Wall of China: the class struggle and the
bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideology are reflected in them. The petty bourgeois
mode of thinking penetrates it constantly in different ways: individualism, spontaneism,
petty bourgeois retentions to lead everything, and class contempt, capitulation,
dogmatism, etc.
b)
The work within the proletariat is our main activity to take part in the class struggle
and learn from it. Promotion, training, good care of proletarian comrades and active,
voluntary reeducation of comrades from the petty bourgeoisie.
c)
Against activism and dissipation- concentration of forces and a systematical daily
and lasting work – towards ours contacts and sympathizers within a company, a district.
Regular intervention to make consciousness evolve.
d)
To seize scientific socialism against all anti-communist, anarchist, reformist and
revisionist influence. Studies, training and applying Marxism Leninism with a collective
creative theoretical work. Handling the dialectical materialist method.
e)
The indissociable link between building the organization and the class struggle. In
this dialectical unity, building the Party must always be our main concern.f)
Democratic centralism as our organization principle- so all the experiences of the
basis are taken into account in main decisions for a unified action. The activity of the
organization must accomplish the dialectical unity between discipline and democracy
to create and constantly maintain the principle of unity of the organization.
g)
Criticism and self-criticism, the law of development of the Party. Proletarian culture
of debate! A self-control system within the organization from the top to the bottom and
the self-control of the managers must be put into place right from the beginning to
avoid mistakes, correct and encourage initiatives.
h)
For the unity of revolutionaries all over the world in the perspective of creating a
new Communist International. We are organized within the International Coordination
of Revolutionary Parties and Organizations (ICOR): for the coordination, the
cooperation, the mutual support in the class struggle and in building the Party.
G) For a program of struggles our immediate requests
Here is a list, to be completed, of our immediate requests. They correspond to our needs
and interests of the proletariat expressed in the struggles. They can be partly and
temporarily satisfied in capitalism. During these struggles, the proletarians become aware
of their strength and their class interests, which is the basis to prepare the revolutionary
situation.
These requests are a support for the activities of all revolutionaries. All the needs of the
proletarians can only be satisfied with the destruction of capitalism. Union struggles, even
the most « radical » ones cannot replace political and revolutionary struggles for taking
power.
In companies and in our districts to satisfy our needs
For jobs :
Against job cuts, for the defense of jobs. Against imposed part time jobs.
Against unemployment and exploitation, work, all, less and differently.
Reduction of working hours without lower salaries nor deterioration of working and living
conditions.No redundancies without an adequate reassignment.
Ban on night shifts, unless there are technical or social necessities.
Against precariousness (interim work, short term contracts, construction work contracts,
youth contracts,…) same status for all with a long term contract.
Arranging shifts to carry out trainings.
Unemployment benefits at least as much as minimum wage.
For well-being :
Free healthcare for all. Health follow ups on work places. Acknowledgement of physical
and mental professional diseases.
For a preventive medical care.
Lower production rates, work must be less intense and hard.
Creation of new jobs.
Two consecutive days off per week.
Abolition of all anti-social laws (labour law and El Khomri law, tax credits, etc..),
preservation of labour courts and completely free justice.
Decent and grouped accommodation for all with moderate rent.
Increase of wages and maximum rate of high wages. (Wages from 1 to 3 for example :
Minimum wages 1800 euros, maximum 5400 euros)
For old aged people : minimum pension linked to the minimum wages.
Against consumerism and waste.
For decent pensions from the age of 60 and 55 for hard work. Against a capitalization
pension system.
For handicapped people : ergonomic workstations ; more means in favor of autonomy.
For old or handicapped people : encouragement to take patron social or political life.
Abolition of indirect taxes. More progressive direct taxes.
For the development of public services, controlled by users : public transport,
communications, education, healthcare, accommodation.For immigrants and migrants
Regularization of all undocumented immigrants.
Free movement and freedom of establishment.
A worthy welcome of migrants.
The right to vote for foreign workers.
For complete equality in law.
For a proletarian internationalism ; for cooperation in the struggle for social liberation.
For the freedom and independence of French colonies.
Denunciation of colonial and neocolonial wars.
About the youth
On work : banning of all types of precariousness ; hiring for long term contracts and at the
level of qualification obtained either at school or by experience and at the same rate as the
other workers.
Arranging shifts to carry out trainings.
On education : totally free. No more financing of denominational schools by the State.
State schools free and compulsory for all. No classes with more than 20 students and
twice more teachers.
Transformation of teaching methods on all levels education.
General training with theory and practice.
In districts : A special follow up for youths who have difficulties.
Creches and nursery schools free and open to all.
The right to take part in political life.
Life and animation areas with educators in favor of the multiple development of the
youths : culture, science, politics, sport and self-fulfillment in every domain.
Struggle for real equality between men and women Social and salary equality
Nurseries in work places managed by the employees.
Against sexual harassment and patriarchy.Against sexual discriminations. Freedom of sexual orientation.
Right to all means of contraception and of voluntary termination of pregnancy.
Agains t all particular exploitation of women and girls.
Against prostitution and pornography. Against human trade.
Struggle against sexism, against degrading, mercantile and pornographic images of
women.
For the defense and the extension of democratically rights For the self-defense
of strikes and popular demonstrations.
The disarmament of the police ; dissolution of special repression forces, such as the
Republican Company of Security (CRS), the Anti-Criminality Brigade (BAC)…
For the right to strike its no restrictions, for the real freedom of speech.
For the extension of democratic rights and freedoms for all ! No more anti people
repression, no more fascist actions of the State apparatus.
Freedom for all the political and opinion prisoners- apart from fascists.
Against harassment and police violence.
Support whistle blowers and freedom of the press.
Against the state of emergency, compulsory orders to residence, etc.
For the freedom of speech and union and political activities in companies.
Against reactionary ideologies : fascism, racism, nationalism, chauvinism, exist and
homophobia.
For a cultural and sports life based on traditions of peoples movement. Against elitist
culture.
Against all the obstacles to popular representation in all the institutions.
Religion is a private matter, freedom of worship.
Against oppression due to religion.
Environment, ecology- Struggle against the threat of a planetary
ecologic catastrophe !End of the construction here or elsewhere of nuclear plants.
Replacement of nuclear energy and fossil fuel plants by renewable energies.
No burying toxic waste.
Against the extraction of shale gas nor petrol.
Immediate ban in non recyclable high toxicity products (glyphosate etc), GMO and
endocrine disruptors.
Against big useless projects : Notre-Dame-Des-Landes, the Sivens barrage etc. No more
big worksites without consulting the people.
Abrogation of every treaty or agreement such as the TAFTA, the CETA, which guarantee
profit to the investors whatever happens thanks to the « international arbitrary courts ».
No to water, soil and air pollution— reparations paid by the companies which caused the
pollution (Monsanto, Total, etc). Sentences and handling of human and animal poisoning
by those responsible.
Respect of animal life : no farms with 1000 cows, no trapped hens laying… Preservation of
biodiversity in agriculture and any other human activity.
Development of collective transport (by road or railways).
For an economy which reduces and recycles « waste » into useful raw material.
Imperialism is war, for a large anti-imperialist and antimilitary front ! No
more French interventions. French troupes and special forces in foreign countries must go
home.
Against the imperialist war, against conquest wars.
No militaristic propaganda in schools.
The right for people to manage themselves. Self-determination of French colonies.
Freedom for Kurdistan and Palestine.
Nuclear disarmament.
Out of NATO, dissolution of NATO and other military alliances.
Non-interference in other countries home affairs.
End of France-Africa politics and dissolution of the CFA franc.
Cancellation of the debt of dominated countries.End of all military production.
Struggle against European imperialist policies.
For a strategic alliance with intermediary layers Against budgetary restrictions
in healthcare, culture, education and training (in all the social areas).
Against social and political selection to access schools and universities.
Against the submission of science and research to capitalist profits.

Laisser un commentaire

Votre adresse e-mail ne sera pas publiée.